Posts Tagged 'tunisia'

Why mentionning Palestinian cause in the Tunisian Constitution is a misktake


The first drafts of the Tunisian Constitution are published these days. The preamble of the Constitution now mentions the Tunisian support for the Palestinian cause “above any other cause”. In my opinion, this is not appropriate at all, for the following reasons:

  • the only countries that mention another country in their Constitution are colonies mentionning the “mother land”. And those countries had their colonizers in their constitution only because they were forced to. Besides this case, it’s a unique example of a free country listing another country’s cause as the cause “above any other”, meaning above national interests. Why is a Tunisian cause less important to Tunisia than a foreign cause?
  • Tunisian first constitution ran for 98years, the second one for about 55years. Writing down support for Palestinian cause in the third constitution of the country means it is here to stay: indeed, what would be the point of Palestinian cause in our Constitution the day Palestine is liberated? In other words, Tunisian deputees put Palestine in the Constitution because they think that in the long term it will not be free; and if they think it, its simply because its not in their interest for it to be a free country. Simple: if Palestinian cause doesn’t exist anymore, how will demagocic governments of MENA region excite the feelings of their people and bring them away from their own problems? Arab dictatorships always used the rethorics of Palestinian cause while secretly helping Israel to root in the region: secret business deals, bad treatment of Palestinian refugees, etc. We made a revolution for our rulers to stop selling us metaphysical ideologies while working for our loss. At the very least, if Tunisia really wants to help Palestine they should start by believing there exists a solution for the crisis to end within the next few years.
  • As much as I care for Palestinian cause, I can’t accept the fact that because it’s an “Arab” cause it is above any other. It would simply mean that support goes with ethnicity not with justice. In many  places in the world people experience situations at least as horrible as Palestinians, and sometimes much worse. Dying of hunger in Somalia or killed by a Taliban in Afghanistan or a Jenjaweed in Darfour is nor less important nor less painful. By favoring Palestinian cause, Tunisia would send the message that not all victims are equal.

Tunisia has a long History for supporting Palestine (Souha Arafat wife of the late leader Yasser Arafat has even obtained in the past a Tunisian citizenship!), it certainly does not need to write it down in its constitution for Tunisians to feel concerned by the fate of Palestinians.

On the “Arab Maghreb Union” vs “Maghrebi Union”


Recently, during a meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the “Arab Maghreb Union” the Moroccan Minister proposed to drop the term “Arab” in the name of the Union, in order to stick to the reality of Maghreb, a multicultural space where Amazigh (Berbers) and Black Africans coexist with Arabs (actually, who are not really Arabs, but merely Arabized Berbers). But the Tunisian Minister Rafik Abdessalam Bouchleka refused, arguing that Maghreb was Arab in terms of “civilisation, culture and geography”. Not only the geoagraphic argument is absurd (since when did Maghreb drift out of Africa and became part of the Arab Peninsula?), but the civilisation argument is the sign either of  intolerance either of ingnorance. Indeed, 45millions non-Arabs live in North Africa, why would we stick on all of us a wrong classification?

North Africa doesn’t exist only as a part of the “Arab World”, it also exists in itself: it has its own History, civilisation, numerous languages, ethnies. Egypt isn’t part of Arab Maghreb Union so is technically not concerned by this debate, but who is not aware of the fact that denying the non-Arab History of Egypt (Pharaonic) would be unacceptable for Egyptians? For the case of Maghreb, it is the same: denying the non-Arab past AND present is a denial to the identity of the land and its inhabibtants. As long as Maghrebi leaders refuse to stop to be just the satellites of the Middle-East, as long as they don’t listen to the people, asking for recognition and dignity, they will not drive us to the true democracy, the task we entrusted them with.

One Year Later: Tunisia still in Love with Freedom


One year ago, Tunisians were ousting Ben Ali. The last 12months were full of events, protests, hopes and fears. The people had to fight to not see their revolution stolen from them; they are still fighting. We voted; we were happy or disappointed with the results, and then with the first actions of the new interim government and the new president. Our newly free medias informed, misinformed, published opinions and caricatures, learnt the first lessons of the civil responsability of journalists. We blogged, we protested, we shouted. And one year later, Tunisia is still in love with freedom.

And all is still to do. Unemployment, poverty, exclusion of rural regions, weak economy, corruption, new constitution, transparency. Many are the challenges we have to take up to make of this country a country for Human Rights, equality for all, exlcusion for nobody. And because we saw things coming out from our country that we never even dreamt of, we know we will make a reality of all the hopes we have for Tunisia.

إذا الشعب يوما أراد الحياة
فلا بدّ أن يستجيب القدر
ولا بد لليل أن ينجلي
ولا بد للقيد أن ينكسر
When the people will to live,
Destiny must surely respond.
Oppression shall then vanish.
Fetters are certain to break.
(Tunisian anthem)

 

 

 

Tunisia, a little country making History


Almost one year after the dramatic immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi, Tunisia makes once again History, by appointing Moncef Marzouki as president. Elected by the Constitutive Assembly to be the transitionnal leader of Tunisia, he is a doctor and life long human rights activist, intellectual (not less than 20 published books on medical ethics, public health, human rights and political analysis of the Arab world), exiled in France for the last 10 years; we couldn’t imagine a more suitable person for a president. He highly contrasts with the rest of Arab leaders, and represents the standards we will ask for not only for our nation but for the whole MENA region.

The first speech of President Marzouki was beautiful, and as a Tunisian I was touched to see my president crying when he mentionned the martyrs of the revolution and praying for the Libyans, Syrians, Yemenis and Palestinians. I was also happy to see him wearing a burnous, the traditionnal Tunisian cloak, symbolizing in a simple and beautiful way our North African identity.

Today, like many Tunisians I am optimistic for my country. I think we are going the right way. We still have a lot of hard work to do, especially regarding the economical and labour market reforms; may the future be bright and brighter  for Tunisia.

 

Elections results: New Assembly, New Tunisia


The results for the Tunisian elections are revealed, region after region. As expected, Rached Ghannouchi’s Ennahdha is granted about 35-40% of the votes, about 16-17% for Ettakatol and 15-16% for Moncef Marzouki’s CPR. The three main political forces of the country as thus one religious party and two secular parties, in a configuration where none of them can be a majority alone. Together, they will be in charge of writing the new Constitution of Tunisia.

The severe defeat of PDP and PDM parties, traditional secular left, can be understood by the fact that among all secular parties, Tunisians favored the ones that showed an interest for Tunisians daily life problems and a will to conciliate with islamists. Indeed, PDM and PDP main campaign effort was about ‘countering ennahdha’, thus giving to Tunisians the impression of them being nothing else than parties interested in he political game more than they are in the country’s future.

The state of the things might well be the best option for Tunisia, where an equilibrum between religious and secular forces would be the best guarantee of simultaneous stability and progress. After 60years of forced secularism, a full secular power would have had a taste of continuation and a full islamist would have been at odds with the tunisian society. Also, Tunisians have been ruled in the past only by governments originating from a unique party. Tunisia is thus experiencing multipartism for the first time of its History.

One point though remains unclear: the very high scores of Hechmi Hamdi in Sidi Bouzid, the place where the revolution was born. Hechmi Hamdi, director of the London-based TV channed Al Mustaqilah, close to Ben Ali in the past and who presents himself as a moderate islamist, gained up to 90% of the votes in some polling stations. The ISIE (who organized and managed the elections) should investigate on the possibility of violation of the elections code.

We can from now forsee the new constitution that’ll come out of this Assembly: Islam will  remain religion of State, although the primary source of law won’t be Islamic law. A strong focus on Human Rights, together with a presevation of freedom of speech and opinion will be granted. The state will be hopefully bound to a stronger social role towards citizens and a better protection of the weakest people in our country. The hardest part of the work will be certainly to rethink and reform justice.

These first elections were the first step towards our new Tunisia. They were successfully held and that was our first victory over tyranny: to have not fallen into chaos. Now, we are ready to work hard to make of the New Tunisia a successful common project.

Tunisian Elections: Blue is my Finger and Free is my Voice


Today is a bright day for our beloved Tunisia. Today we show the world, and most important we show to ourselves, that we are free people. Our voting card is our weapon to defend ou freedom. Whatever the result will be, the victory for Tunisia would have been to organize fair, free and organized elections only 9 months after the end of a dictatoship. Tunisians are massicerly participating: the waiting queues are reported to be sometimes 200meters long and the ewaiting time sometimes near to 2hours.

As an expat, I voted in Geneva, in the Hotel Warwick. We were given clear instructions and besides the organizing staff there was extenal observers and I could count not less than five acredicted oubservers in the room.

On the technical side, after droping the ballot in the box, we had to soak a finger in a little bottle containing blue ink. The pictures of Tunisian citizens proudly showing their blue finger to the camera are flourishing by hundreds on the internet.  Of course, I will not resist to the pleasure to show you mine as well.

Blue is my Finger and Free is my Voice

Samir Feriani and Kamel Morjane remind us that the Tunisian Revolution is a continuous struggle


Samir Feriani is a policeman that got arrested after he published in a newspaper names of people holding key positions in the Interior Ministry involved in the shooting of peaceful protestors during the Tunisian revolution. After a trial, he was released last week. His release was seen by the optimists as a victory for the Revolution, the others say that his arrest, regardless of the result of the trial, was already a failure in itself for the justice of a country that aims to be democratic.

Kamel Morjane is the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, currently involved in the scandal of the 3 years diplomatic passeports issued to Ben Ali and his family on January 16th, two days after they fled to Saudi Arabia. He held a press conference where he explained that in his point of view, he just followed the law. The passeports were cancelled since, but the exact extent of Kamel Morjane is still unclear.  He runs with his party ‘Al Mobadara’ for the coming elections, although he was a member of the Ben Ali government.Many disapprove the fact that a former Ben Ali minister, although apparently not involved in criminal affairs during or before the Revolution, can still participate to the political life of Tunisia.

Samir Feriani and Kamel Morjane represent well this strange transitional period in Tunisia; they remind us Revolution is a continuous struggle. The remnants of the old regime still have a strong hold on the affairs of the state, strong enough to interfere with justice in particular. Not that the Revolution ‘failed’, like we hear sometimes; cleaning a rusty machine takes time, and the improvements are already beyond the reasonable predictions that were made at the beginning of the transitional period. But still a lot has to be done that can’t be delayed anymore. In particular, justice has to be reminded to its primary function. In the country dozens of the former regime heads like Morjane are moving freely, unworried, while thousands of simple citizens like Feriani are still under the threat of trials, harrassment or other means of pressure when they use their right to disagree.

To push reforms forward, let’s use our deadliest weapons: our pens and our voting cards.

The list of the martyrs of the Tunisian Revolution


Ci joint la liste des martyrs de la révolution tunisienne du 14 janvier 2011, pour ne jamais les oublier et les garder à  jamais dans nos mémoires et nos coeurs, paix a vos âmes.
Nejib Mhamdi
Mohamed Omri
Ahmed Boulaabi
Wajdi Seyhi
Ghassene Chniti
Mohamed Yassine Rtibi
Marouene Jemli
Abdelkrim Dhifi
Elfadhel Masoudi
Salem Barhoumi
Mohamed Amine Mbarki
Slah Dachraoui
Ramzi Assili
Yakine Guermezi
Belgassem Ghodhbani
Mohamed Khadhraoui
Atef Lbaoui
Walid Saadaoui
Saber Rtibi
Abdelkader Ghodhbeni
Raouf Bouzidi
Walid Griri
Ahmed Jaberi
Mohamed Nasri
Farhat Elbenhissi
Gouvernorat de Tunis
Haythem Raissi
Sahbi Nahdi
Maroua Amina
Helmi Mannai
Wael Tounsi
Chkri Sifi
Mahdi Ouni
Adel Hanchi
Mohamed Kaissi
Aymen Okaili
Hamdi Elbahri
Belhassen Laaroussi
Fathi Elwesleti
Khaled Haddeji
Ahmed Elouerghi
Hatem Mouwaffak
Nabil Ben Laaroussi
Aissa Elhafi
Cherif Mtaa’Allah
Fathi Chelbi
Mahdi Boughanmi
Karim Rouefi
Walid Jamai
Taher Merghni
Makrem Jaouedi
Elyes Elkarrech
Ahmed Ayessi
Hamdi Elbahri
Chokri Elghamlouli
Gouvernorat de Nebeul
Zouhair Souissi
Wissem Ben Salem
Ali Elmiraoui
Wael Khalil
Khalil Thebti
Gouvernorat de Sidi Bouzid
Adel Hammemi
Nizar Sellimi
Mohamed Jebli
Mouadh Khlifi
Chaouki Nasri Haidri
Mohamed Amari
Abdelbasset khadhraoui
Abdelkarim Chawati
Mohamed Salah Bouzayeni
Houssine Neji
Raouf Kaddoussi
Manel Bouallegui
Ridha Bakkari
Gouvernorat de Kairouen
Haikel Bahrouni
Alaa Eddine Theyri
Saber Hilali
Gouvernorat de Ben Arous
Mohamed Alayet
Houssine Ben Chaabene
Mouez Bouheni
Slimene Fajra
Mohamed Fathallah
Anis Houli
Elhedi Mhajbi
Mohamed Nacer Talbi
Karim Ezzouri
Ahmed Elbakkouch
Souhail Riahi
Gouvernorat de l’Ariana
Faouzi Mokaadi
Moustfa Nahdi
Majdi Monsri
Ibrahim Boutriaa
Mohamed Mimouni
Kais Mezlini
Ahmed Kriaa
Ramzi Elmay
Thabet Ayari
Ayoub Riahi
Khmayes Fadhoul
Kamel Yaakoubi
Gouvernorat de Mannouba
Abdessattar kasmi
Samir Riahi
Anis Farhati
Mossaab Mejri
Ridha Sliti
Ali Cherni
Gouvernorat de Bizerte
Mahjouba Nasri
Abdallah Trabelsi
Hassan Trabelsi
Jamel Slouhi
Mohamed Danden
Hamdi Darouich
Sofiene Marzouk
Abdesslem ben Hamed
Gouvernorat de Zaghouene
Nouri Elakibi
Ayoub Hamdi
Mohamed Soltane
Gouvernorat de Gafsa
Hassan Arfaoui
Mosbah Jouhari
Gouvernorat de Sousse
Abdelbasset khadhraoui
Sofiene Nouir
Gouvernorat de Monastir
Narjes Nouira
Nezih Ayyari
Gouvernorat de Sfax
Slim hadhri
Gouvernorat de Jendouba
Hichem Mhimdi
Gouvernorat de Kef
Mohamed Jbebli
Chawki Mahfoudhi
Gouvernorat de Seliana
Lotfi Maaoui
Gouvernorat de Gabes
Rabi3 Boujlida
Naoufel Ghamagui
Hsouna Adouni
khaled Bouzaien
Mohammed zamezmi
Gouvernorat de Beja
Lazhar Kthiri
Wael Boulaaress
Oussama Amdouni
Gouvernorat de Medenine
Aymen Merai
Bayrem satouri
Gouvernorat de Kebili
Riadh ben Aoun
Dr.Hatem Bettaher
Gouvernorat de Tataouine
Mohmed Dghim
Mohamed Ben Salah
Nadhir Momen
Gouvernorat de Tozeur
Abdelkader Makki
Maher LaabidiLamjed Hammi

Why Tunisians don’t want to vote?


Tunisians united to oust a dictator: because a whole people wanted their freedom; they wanted to have their right to speak and chose their rulers, the right to live decently and the right to not live with constant fear. So was the Jasmine Revolution of January 14. It is then with much enthusiasm that hundreds of political parties, syndicates and associations were created. It is for building the new country, with a constitution shaped just like its population, that were announced the elections for the constitutive assembly. Many times postponed, due to the difficulties encountered by the transitionnal government to solve the slightest issue regarding to the reforms to lead, and due to the new political game involving the members of the former system, the historical opponents of the regime and the protestors and newcomer in politics afraid to see the revolution fail to fulfil its goal. Finally, the elections are to be hold on October 23rd.

The ISIE (Instance Supérieure Indépendante pour les Elections), managed by Kamel Jendoubi, is monitoring the elections to ensure a fair and transparent process, for the first ever free elections taking place in the History of Tunisia. The ISIE launched a few weeks ago a massive campaign to encourage Tunisians to get registred for the elections. Indeed, until now in Tunisia, the citizens were automatically receiving their voter’s card. The new system asks for potential electors to register in town halls and embassies in a period of time going from July 11th to August 2nd.

The ISIE were providing continuously estimates of the number of registration. Since the very first days, Tunisians did not seem to rush to get registres; the number were low. Less than 2% of Tunisian potential electors registred after the first week, about 25% at the end of the registration period. The ISIE decided to extend for two more weeks the registration period. Disappointing: Tunisians do not seem at all interested in voting.

How come a people that mobilized to topple a regime is indifferent to voting, one of the basic rights they asked for and fought for? Many explanations were given:

  • the lack of a “democratic culture”: full generations of Tunisians were never part of their own political system; they never were but spectators to this comedy the old regime was calling “democracy”, knowing what horrible truth lies behind the words. The idea of voting with effective result might be too new to most of the people to take the initiative to register and to chose a candidate. They might actually have made a choice but not dare to make it, fearing the reaction of the rulers, or maybe they do not get that their voice really make a difference.
  • the confusion with the old system: the old system did not require registering, thus a large part of Tunisians are not aware that registration is a necessery step.
  • the contradictory ISIE guidelines: dates change following you consult one source or the other, required documents to bring change, unclear specifications, etc. Tunisians, whose a great part never voted in their entire life, whose a substantial part is illetrate or two poor to be wired 24/7 for new updates may feel totally lost.
  • the contestation: the political game opposing the parties (PDP, enNahdha, etc), where every political leader tries to make coalitions to bring down others, where attacks and rumors hit every side, gives maybe the feeling to the Tunisian population that politicians do not have the interest of the people set as a priority, therefore incitating them to “boycott” the elections. The brutality with which the police breaks sit-ins and protests and the extent of the emergency state might well also contribute in unsecuring the citizen: why would they vote for building a new authoritarian state? Indeed, many of Tunisians often say that since the revolution “nothing has changed“.

Like in most complex situations, the answer is certainly made of all these different explanations. But there is still a last one has – sadly – to consider: maybe, Tunisians do not register, simply because they do not care about voting. The idea in itself seems a bit odd: why did they do a revolution in the first place if they did not care? Well, first, it does not take more than some part (say, 10 or 20%) of a population to carry on a  revolution.This does not mean that the rest of the population do not agree with the idea of a revolution, but that they are not active in the process: they follow it, but from far. Then, given the fact that an authoritarian state cannot survive for 23years without not only by scaring the population, but also by growing in them the uninterest for political matters, a good proportion of the Tunisian population was always very indifferent to politics.

The propaganda is more than convincing about some one-sided truth, it is also about telling “take care of your own business, and we take care of our own“. In such a case, the whole background of the mediatic culture, of the society, of the teaching in schools can evolve into directing people to get interested and focused on secondary matters: consumerism, for example. People died to bring us the right to vote, but what can you do, voting is definetly not as funny as going to shopping, gossiping or watching sports on TV. From my personnal experience, sadly, I have to say that many of our compatriots fall in that category of citizens that have closed their sight to the very idea of participative citizenship. I think that getting rid of this mentality is the biggest challenge of the Revolution: and it will certainly not be achieved by the upcoming elections. If half of the generation of our children are educated to participative citizenship, it will already be an outstanding victory for Tunisia.

Reviving the Amazigh (Berber) Identity in Tunisia: because we are all Amazigh


Walk in the streets of Tunis, in the streets of Monastir or Bizerte, and listen to the people: people talk in Arabic, mostly, some in French and if tourists are around, in German, Italian or English. And unlike in the streets of Algeria or Morocco, you will never hear anybody talking in Tamazight (berber language). You might then conclude that unlike Algeria or Morocco, Tunisia is a pure Arab country. You’d be wrong.

Now walk nearby the mountains (Sidi Abdel Rahman mount, for example), wander in the small villages hardly reached by the hectic life of cities, walk in the cities a bit far from the centralized power, in Gasserine, in Tataouine, walk and watch the elder ladies: some wear thistypical square-patterned cloths kept tied by silver ornamental pins (‘Kholla’), and have around their necks ‘Rihanna’ (long chain made of big round silver rings as links) with ‘Khomssa’ pendants (Hand of Fatima), some even have tribal facial tattoos,  and all of them, when they talk, use words slightly different from those used in the big towns.  They don’t say ‘Ana’ (I, me), they say ‘Yeney’, the ‘Q’ is pronounced ‘G’. It seems Arabic but at least 30-40% of the words are not Arabic. What are they? They are Amazigh.

Go to the weddings, you will see the ancestral Berber costumes, the Berber jewellery (such as the ‘Kholkhal’, massive anklets), the music played strangely seems the same as in Kabilya or Northern Atlas. Amazigh, again. And if you are not yet convinced look out for Tunisia’s History: from Hannibal to Ibn Khaldoun, from Carthago to Djerba, the Amazigh presence is everywhere.

Tunisia has a strong Amazigh heritage. Systematical genetical survey show that 98% of the Tunisian population is of Amazigh origin. Every part of the culture and traditions show that we are in an Amazigh country, at the only striking difference that here, almost nobody talks Tamazight: but then why did the language almost disappear while all the rest stayed quite unchanged?As if the Imazighen where everywhere in Tunisia, only that they are mute.

Like in Algeria, Morocco and Libya, Tamazight was the native language of this country that our ancestors where calling ‘Ifriqya‘ (does it remember you something? Yes, from that word comes ‘Africa’). Like in these other countries, Arabic arrived in Ifriqya together with Islam: but unlike people sometimes say, it was not a massive invasion of Arab populations. Arab population that settled in Tunisia were never more than 2-3%. Arabic and Islam integrated the culture of Tunisia and became part of every Tunisian’s life and identity (after all, Tunisia is an Arabic name, given by Arabs that, when they arrived in Ifriqya found its inhabitants so generous and with such a strong sense of hospitality that they called this land the land that ‘twannass‘, meaning the land where you feel like surrounded by your family/friends), but Tamazight and Amazigh culture stayed also a vital part of this identity, and would not disappear. So to say, Tunisians are Amazigh people, that throughout History constituted a mixed Amazigh-Arab-Islamic identity. Arab-Islamic culture is vital to understand Tunisian identity, but so is Amazigh culture. They are like two sides of the same coin. A peaceful Tunisian would be a person accepting the both sides if their culture and the impregnation of Islam on these both sides.

Amazigh language began to almost disappear from Tunis only in the two last centuries, when the French domination, like in other parts of North Africa, needed a way to constitute populations in nations and blocks rather than in tribes, because it was easier to handle: imposing an uniform identity and language was the easiest way to break regionalism and build nationalism. Amazigh was banned, and Arabic and French were imposed, nomad tribes were forced to settle. After independance, the dictatorial regimes, following the French example to impose its law over the countries, continued the same path and criminalized the use of Tamazight, while leading a huge ‘arabization’ campaign through schools, administration, etc. The unluck of Tunisia compared to Morocco, Algeria and Libya, is that in this small country without big geographical relief, where most of the population was already living in towns near the sea, and with much fewer nomads, the cultural genocide worked much better than in the neighbouring countries. Indeed, one can say that big part of the preservation of the Amazigh culture in Algeria, Morocco and Libya is due to the difficult access to the mountains of Kabilya, Atlas and Nefoussa. And the job began by the French was finished by Bourguiba, certainly the most ‘francophile’ of all Arab dictators, and consolided by Ben Ali brutal dictatorship. Bourguiba and Gaddafi could certainly be ‘awarded’ as the biggest mass eliminators of Amazigh culture; after all didn’t they try shortly in 1973-1974 to form a Tunisian-Libyan Union called ‘Arab Islamic Republic’ (ironic, isn’t it, to refer to Islam for a man like Bourguiba that was not even observing Ramadan and wanted to force Tunisians to follow his example?).

The denial of Amazigh identity of Tunisia policy is so harsh that there isn’t even official statistics of the remaining number of Tamazight speakers in Tunisia: we talk sometimes about less than 100’000 people, sometimes less than 10’000. But the worst part of it certainly arrived through schools: ideological versions of History tought to children make it possible that in an Amazigh country, if you ask to the definition of the word ‘Amazigh‘, many are unable to give it, and many hear that word for the first time. A real national drama, if you consider socio-linguistic studies that show that about 60% of the Tunisian population had within the four preceding  generations Amazigh locutors in their family. If nothing is done now, Tamazight will simply disappear from Tunisia.

The New Tunisia, free from dictatorship is still looking for putting the right words on the aspirations of Tunisians: the new constitution has to be written. Preliminary drafts show that Tunisia is defined as a country of “Arab identity”. It would be a big mistake to not include the Amazigh Identity in the Constitution and not recognize Tamazight as an official language together with Arabic. Since the end of Ben Ali regime, we see a whole new activism in Tunisia of young Tunisian Amazigh, that want to follow the Moroccan example, where Tamazight entered in the constitution. Associations begin to form and to protest. Social networks are used as a platform to coordinate actions. Tunisia needs to revive its Amazigh culture. Tunisia needs to recognize what it is: a mixed Amazigh-Arab-Islamic identity.

European journalists think its an Arab Spring, but inside of it, there is a strong Amazigh flavour. After all, didn’t the Tunisian revolution start in Sidi Bouzid, a town named after a local saint, a purely Amazigh tradition?



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